Coincidental Technologies: Moving Parts in Early Books and in Early Hypertext
Richard Cunningham
Acadia University
KEYWORDS
Incunabula, editing, publishing, image, hypertext
This page last modified December 12, 2004 @ 12:00pmAST
Introduction
The manner in which a work is presented assumes greater significance in some historical moments than in others. Two of the times when form has assumed greatest significance in the evolution of literate culture in the West have been during the typographical print revolution of the later fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries, and the still evolving electronic print revolution of the later twentieth and the early twenty-first century. In this paper I will provide some background to the history of what have been variously called moveable books (Evers; Haining), books with moving parts (Gingerich), and books with mobiles in them (Lindberg) before using examples of such books to show that even in the first century of printing with moveable type the need for moving pictures was perceived. Next, I will describe the editorial principles I am using to guide creation of an electronic edition of one of the examples discussed in this paper, The Arte of Navigation, translated by Richard Eden from an existing Spanish text by Martín Cortés. The present paper will conclude with an invitation to follow a link to that electronic edition, with the caveat that it is, and will remain for some time, a work in progress.
The examples I provide are sixteenth century texts attributed to Johannes Sacrobosco (d.1256), Peter Apian (1495 - 1552), and Richard Eden (c.1520 - 1576). A copy of each of these texts is held in the Dibner Library of the History of Science and Technology in the Smithsonian Institution's National Museum of American History, and the images to be found in this paper are reproduced either from Dibner texts, or from the Folger Shakespeare Library's copy of the 1584 edition of The Arte of Navigation, or they have been created using Macromedia software from Dibner reproductions. I spent two months in the Dibner Library in 2001 thanks to the generous support of a Smithsonian Instution Libraries / Dibner Library Resident Scholarship. Also in 2001, I was able to examine copies of Richard Eden's The Arte of Navigation held in the Folger Shakespeare Library and in the Lennox Collection of the New York Public Library thanks to the Izaak Walton Killam Foundation and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Since that time I have been able to develop the digital edition linked from section 4.0, below, through the assistance of the McConnell Family Foundation and Acadia University, and especially Acadia University's Institute for Teaching and Technology (AITT). The digital edition-in-progress of The Arte of Navigation to which readers can link from section 4.0 allows construction of moveable images in a manner meant to mimic, as closely as possible, the similar task demanded of readers of the original, sixteenth-century, texts. The graphical representation of the various parts of these images was done by Janice Hudson while she was an undergraduate in Acadia's Department of English, and by Katie Marshall, a student in the Biology Department. The images were animated by two Computing Science students, Trevor Dawe and Jamie Chang. I was put in contact with these exceptional students by the AITT.
Background
Although they are not the only "mobile books" I have seen and plan eventually
to reproduce, the texts I am most likely to reproduce first in digital format
are a 1563 edition of Sacrobosco's Libellus de sphaera (printed in
Wittenberg, by Johannes Crato), a 1540 edition of Peter Apian's Cosmographia
(printed in Antwerp by Arnoldus Berckmann), and a 1584 edition of Richard Eden's
Arte of Navigation (printed by "Richard Jugge's widow," Joan Jugge).[1.0.1]
These are the books for which I will provide a brief context and description in
the present work. What makes these books from the incunabula period particularly
special is the fact that they contain images that had to be assembled after the
sheets that would become the book had left the press, after the sheets had been
folded to form the gatherings that would form the book, and almost certainly
after the gatherings had been stitched together to form the book itself. While it is
conceivable, or at least not inconceivable, that commercial binders might have
assembled these images, based on my examination of copies of The Arte of
Navigation held in the Library of Congress, the Dibner, the Folger, and the
New York Public Library I find it more likely that the reader / owner of the
book assembled them. No two are assembled alike. This important fact has
dictated an aspect of my editorial policy for the development of the digital
edition of The Arte of Navigation, as I will explain in section 3.0
below. The implication of each surviving copy of a given text being assembled
differently--whether slightly or greatly--is that each was assembled by someone
different than all the others. According to my understanding of the textual
instructions that accompany each image in The Arte of Navigation, the only
properly assembled copy I have seen is one that was owned by Henry Percy, the
ninth Earl of Northumberland, also known as the Wizard Earl because of his
interest in "scientific" experimentation. The Wizard Earl was imprisoned in the
Tower of London in 1605, where he joined Sir Walter Ralegh, an experienced
mariner who had outfitted entire expeditions in addition to participating in
one or two himself. During his imprisonment, Percy hired the mathematicians Thomas Harriot,
Walter Warner, and Thomas Hues to further his instruction. Harriot had already
sailed to Virginia in the employ of Ralegh, and in 1588 published his Briefe
and true Report of the new found land of Virgina. Percy had access, that is,
to men more than competent in navigational matters to help him correctly assemble the multi-layered images
in The Arte of Navigation.
The images that appear in the works under discussion here are often called
volvelles, although that term has more commonly come to describe the moving
parts themselves. While in The Arte of Navigation the term "rundell"
is used to apply to the moving parts themselves, in the current discussion I
will use the term "volvelle" to refer to only those elements of an image that
actually rotate relative to the background printed on the leaf gathered
permanently within the book. To a twenty-first century reader these images look
like dials, and this is indeed how they were used. In 1593 Thomas Orwin printed
a work by Thomas Fale entitled Horologiographia, or The Art of Dialing.
Although his text did not include any images intended to be assembled to enable
movement, it nonetheless offers images of volvelles and backgrounds such that
readers could build their own dials based on Fale's representations and
instructions. As Fale's title suggests, the dials he describes are for
calculating time. The dial-images in Sacrobosco's Libellus, Apian's
Cosmographia, and Eden's Arte of Navigation serve slightly different
ends but like Fale's dials they are intended to aid calculation. As would be
expected in a "Book on the World" or on "Cosmography" or on the art of
navigating, the scale of calculation is cosmic, having to do with earth's place
in the heavens and with the relationship of celestial bodies to the surface of
the globe such that a mariner could calculate his position.
To achieve these calculations the Libellus de spaera, the Cosmographia,
and The Arte of Navigation had imprinted circular images on leaves found
throughout the text. Based on the evidence of surviving copies of the Libellus
de sphaera held at the Library of Congress and the Cosmographia held at the
Dibner, the parts of the images that would be tied or glued-in later were
themselves printed on pages dedicated to the volvelles. This way, the reader who
assembled the images could cut the volvelles out without also removing any of
the book's textual matter. In 1945, a facsimile edition was published of Martín
Cortés's Breve compendio de la sphera y de la art de navegar, the Spanish original of
Eden's Arte of Navigation. This facsimile edition also offered a separate
page dedicated to the volvelles needed to complete the images in
the book, but in neither of the only two original copies of Cortés's work I have
examined (both held in the Lennox Collection at the NYPL) does such a page
survive. However, I am willing to surmise from the facsimile edition that Cortés's book was originally printed with a page dedicated to the printing of volvelles intended to be cut out for the purpose of being tied or glued to an
appropriate background.
Because it is not obvious how the ability to move a volvelle relative to the background would be retained if the former part were glued to the latter, I should explain that the volvelles themselves were not actually glued in. Rather, the page on which the volvelles were printed would also have smaller, decorative circles designed to be used as glue caps. The volvelle itself would have a circle cut out in its centre, and the decorative cap would be glued through that cut-out to the leaf in the book. As a result the volvelle could be rotated while the cap was glued stationary on the background. Alternatively, the volvelles were often tied to the background image by being sewn through the centre of the image such that they could rotate around the centre formed by the string. In these cases the decorative caps were often glued directly to the uppermost volvelle, assumably to prevent the string from untying, or from wearing a hole in the leaf next the one on which the background was printed. I have seen texts in which the compositor left an empty space on the reverse side of the background image so that a protective cap could be glued over the string end for this purpose without covering proximate text. As will be seen in other sections of this article, some of the images I am trying to describe are very complex and multi-layered. I have seen movable images with as many as four layers of volvelles tied in above the background image, each volvelle free to rotate independently of the background and of all other volvelles in the image.
Sacrobosco's Tractatus de spheara
Around 1220, about the time he went to study in Paris, Johannes de Sacrobosco published an astronomical manuscript that would become, approximately 250 years later, one of the first published "scientific" books.[1.1.1] After its first printing on a press with movable type, this text would be reprinted in one style or another almost one hundred times up to the middle of the seventeenth century.[1.1.2] Sacrobosco's Tractatus de sphaera ("Treatise on the Globe") became, with its 1472 printing by Andreas Belfortis, in Ferrara, the Sphaera mundi ("Globe of the World") even while retaining very nearly its original title when printed by Florentius de Argentina as the Tractatvm de Spera in Venice that same year.[1.1.3] Although the titles of numerous editions produced through the agency of printers with movable type retained the nominal archaism of Florentius's Tractatum, increasingly during the sixteenth century the influence of movable type on the text was reflected in its title. Consider, for example, the transitional feel of the title Heinrich Quentell gave the edition he printed in 1501, in Cologne: Opus sphericum Johannis de sacro busto figuris et p[er] utili co[m]mento illustratu[m], which is to say "An illustrative commentary on the use and style of Johannes Sacrobosco's work on the sphere." While Quentell's publication participates in the commentary tradition that arose almost immediately after the original reception of Sacrobosco's Tractatus, with the penning of Michael Scot's commentary sometime in the years between 1230 and 1235 (Thorndyke, 48), it also suggests Quentell's reluctance to produce a work on his press with a title that would obscure Quentell's role as printer. Rather than entitling his work a Tractatum, Quentell opts for the term Opus, "Work." And by the time the Libellus de sphaera, cum praefatione P. Melanthonis ("The Book of the Sphere [or Globe], with a preface by P[hilip] Melancthon") was printed in Wittenberg in 1531, Sacrobosco's "manuscript" had turned the corner into the typographical world of the printed book. Whether presented as commentary or as an emended edition of Sacrobosco's original work, it was by then manifestly the libellus rather than the tractatus, the book rather than the manuscript, on the sphere.
Peter Apian's Cosmographia
Peter Apian, perhaps better known by his Latin name Petrus Apianus, published
the first edition of what was to become one of the sixteenth century's most
popular books in Landshut, Bavaria. This first edition of the Cosmographia was printed in 1524 by
Johann Weyssenburger, a Catholic priest who seems to have learned the printer's
trade in Nuremberg before moving to Landshut. Weyssenburger's skill as an
illustrator in the medium of the woodcut may help account for the successful
printing history of the Cosmographia, but it is just one part of a
complex of features that attracted readers to the book. The Cosmographia
was re-published in 1529 by the Louvain astronomer and professor of mathematics
and medicine, Gemma Frisius, who had it printed by Roeland Bollaert and Johannes
Grapheus. Frisius was also an instrument maker, and it may be that he saw in Apian's text an opportunity to popularize some of the instruments
he made for sale. The Cosmographia was "a layman's introduction to such
subjects as astronomy, geography, cartography, surveying, navigation and
mathematical instruments" (O'Connor & Robertson, "Regnier Gemma Frisius").
It was published in "no fewer than forty-five editions, . . . in four
languages, [and] was manufactured in seven cities, by at least eighteen
publisher/ printers" (Cosmographia: A Close Encounter). Like Sacrobosco's
Libellus de sphaera, the Cosmographia was undeniably a best seller
in the first century of the typographical print revolution.
Although it seems the 1524 edition "was not very popular" (O'Connor & Robertson,
"Regnier"), upon being revised by Frisius the Cosmographia, or a modified
version of it entitled Cosmographiae introductio, was published at least
every three years until 1564, and during the decades of the 1570s, 1580s, and 1590s
it was published four times, four times, and twice, respectively. The majority
of editions of the Cosmographia were printed in Antwerp, but there were
also editions printed in Cologne, Paris, and Venice. Given the content of the
Cosmographia (what one might anachronistically call its interdisciplinary
interests) the Renaissance harbour of Antwerp would have been a likely place for
its publication, and a receptive place for its sales. Another of the book's
features that would have attracted readers to it, after Frisius gained control
of it, was its inclusion of current information about the New World (Cosmographia:
A Close Encounter). But the feature with which I am most concerned is its
inclusion of volvelles.
In the 1524 original edition there were three images that made use of the
technology of the volvelle. Frisius added one more, to bring the total to four,
but what is most striking about the Cosmographia is the aesthetic quality
of these images. Whether or not the Cosmographia was intended to provide
instruction to laypeople, it was prepared with an artistry that is unsurpassed
in books of its kind, as can be seen in section 2.2, below. However, for my
purposes, the history of the reception of the Cosmographia offers an
important caution. Three of the four movable images were printed in the original
text, and only one more added in 1529. It seems questionable, therefore, how
closely the movable image was connected to the Cosmographia's popularity.
But I no sooner pose this question than I wonder if it is a red herring? Is it
reasonable to suppose that the movable image attracted readers to the book? Is
it not equally valid to suppose that readers of the book developed an
appreciation for the explanatory force of the movable image as a result of
exposure to the Cosmographia? If this is true, then the printing of the
Cosmographia in one of the major seafaring crossroads of the Renaissance,
Antwerp, where it could get maximum exposure, might help explain its own
continuing success as well as possibly having suggested to scholars and printers
the value of using movable images to explain complex ideas, movement, and
instruments.
Richard Eden's The Arte of Navigation
The Arte of Navigation was translated by Richard Eden from a text originally
written in Spanish by Martín Cortés. Cortés's text, entitled Breve compendio de
la sphera y de la art de navegar con nuevos instrumentos y reglas exemplificado
con muy subtiles demonstraciones, was first printed in 1551, and again in 1556;
both printings were issued in Seville. Eden's translation was first printed in
London in 1561, where it was re-printed ten times up to its final edition in
1630. [1.3.1] It is in the demonstrations of the new instruments that Cortés's, and
subsequently Eden's, debt to earlier editions of Sacrobosco is most immediately
evident, and it is these same demonstrations that make Eden's text a
particularly appropriate one for translation from typographical to hypertextual
representation. As noted above, from section 4.0 of this paper readers can link
to the electronic edition currently under development at Acadia University.
When I first encountered The Arte of Navigation in the Folger Shakespeare
Library in the late 1990s, I was fascinated by the fact that it contains images
with moveable parts. I was so fascinated, in fact, that I determined to share
this remarkable text with as many people as possible. Like all copies of books
printed in the sixteenth century which still survive in good condition 400 years
later, the two copies of The Arte of Navigation held by the Folger, a copy of
the 1584 edition printed by "Richard Jugge's widow,"" Joan Jugge, and a copy of
the 1596 edition printed by Edward Allde, survive in good condition precisely
because they are coddled and cared for by professional librarians in a carefully
monitored environment. The Folger Shakespeare Library is "an independent
research library" whose stated mission is "to preserve and enhance its
collections; to render the collections accessible to scholars for advanced
research" (emphasis added).[1.3.2] By design, the Folger's holdings are accessible only
to a privileged few, viz. scholars doing advanced research. Thanks to the good
work of all levels of the Folger's staff, their copies of The Arte of Navigation
survive in relatively good condition. But due to the very rules that ensure
preservation, sharing the book with a wider public would be impossible were it
not for the advent of the electronic print revolution.
The fact that Sacrobosco's ideas came in the sixteenth century to be represented
via images with moving parts bears repeating. I do not mean to suggest that
early printers were the first to imagine representing a complex thought by way
of a multi-layered, manipulable image. This technology, the technology of an
image with moving parts above (i.e. against) a static background, was also
experimented with during the manuscript period. But manuscript codexes were
accessible only to a small class of monks and professional scholars, as, analogously, the Folger's texts are now accessible, except under
rare and exceptional circumstances, only to professional scholars. It took the
printing press to make the movable image any thing like widely available, and
analogously only through the development of hypertextual facsimiles will a wider
public gain any access to early modern books with moving parts.
As noted above, The Arte of Navigation is a translation into English of a text
originally written in Spanish. The original was written to support the system of
pilot and navigator training established in the Casa de Contratación de las
Indias (the "House of Contracts," or "House of Trade") shortly after its founding in
1503. Located in Seville, Spain, the Casa housed the most advanced navigational
school in Europe during the sixteenth century. In 1558 Stephen Borough, Chief
Pilot of the Muscovy Company, was admitted to the Casa where he was exposed to
the Spanish system for training pilots and navigators (Waters, 10). Upon
leaving, Borough carried with him a copy of Cortés' book which with the
financial help of the Muscovy Company he had translated by Eden. As indicated by
the number of printings this book enjoyed, it met with a very receptive
audience.
D. W. Waters, the editor of the 1992 Scholars' Facsimile reproduction of the
original 1561 edition of The Arte of Navigation, asserts that Eden's translation
was "the navigational textbook above all others, the navigational bible in
effect, of seven generations, and was to be of an eighth, of English pilots and
mariners urgent to explore the world" (Waters, 22). If Waters' notion of
audience is correct, then it seems plausible that moving images were incorporated in books such as the
Libellus de sphaera, the Cosmographia, and The Arte of Navigation at least in
part to require their readers to actively engage with the construction of paper
models of the instruments the images represented. Peter Apian's Astronomicon
Caesarium demonstrates that this educational effort was not the sole
justification for incorporating moving images into early modern books. However,
the singularly spectacular quality of the Astronomicon Caesarium further
demonstrates that this was a book designed only to ingratiate Apian to the Royal reader to whom it was presented: the Emperor
Charles V.[1.3.3] The much less spectacular, and much more frequently printed,
Libellus de sphaera, Cosmographia, and Arte of Navigation served a more utilitarian
purpose, and addressed a more pedestrian readership. Whether that purpose was intended to instruct readers how to construct
the instruments the images represented, how to use the instruments the images
represented, or simply to advertise the existence of such instruments, there was
a recognition of the value of moving pictures to communicate adequately the concepts behind, and the workings of, the
instruments: even in the first century of moveable type. The printing press was
not invented to answer this need, but once the technology of the printing press
was available those who recognized in it the opportunity to communicate complex
principles of calculation and motion used it for exactly that purpose. And a
similar moment in the history of literate culture has not presented itself so
advantageously again, until now.
Electronic Stills
The primary advantage of hypertext over print technology lies in the dynamism of
the former. Motion is comparatively easily achieved in an electronic environment.
Such is not the case in a print environment. The images under discussion in the
current article represent early attempts to bring motion to the medium of the
printed page, and they were remarkably successful. Readers willing to make the
effort to assemble the images, and then to rotate the volvelles, relative to
each other or to the background over which they lay, could achieve a kind of
motion even in the limited environment of the early modern book. And it is
important to note that the activity demanded on the part of those readers of
early modern books with movable images was a kind of educational exercise. By
assembling the images the reader taught himself how to assemble the instrument
the image represented, and by manipulating the images the reader learned how to
use the instruments. It would be a pity to lose this educational quality by
reproducing the books in a newer medium. Happily, hypertext -unlike film- does not
result in the loss of this quality.
Whereas filming an animation of the images before, during, and after assembly
would impede the educational process imparted by actual assembly and
manipulation, in a hypertextual environment the reader can be required to both assemble
and manipulate the object, or with only the task of assembly, or
with only the requirement of moving the parts to demonstrate the instrument's
utility. In the digital edition of The Arte of Navigation we are currently
producing in the Humanities HyperMedia Centre @ Acadia University, we have
developed Flash-enabled animations that require assembly and that require the
reader to manipulate the image after its assembly. For more on our editorial
procedures and a link to our edition, see sections 3.0 and 4.0, below. But in order to enhance appreciation
for the original texts as much as for the work we are doing, in the next three
subsections I have provided still images reproduced from the original copies of
Sacrobosco's and Apian's texts held
in the collection of the Smithsonian's
Dibner Library of the
History of Science and Technology, and from the
Folger Shakespeare
Library's copy of the 1584 edition of The Arte of Navigation.
Sacrobosco
Apian
Eden
Editorial Principles
"Electronic publishing is," as Peter Shillingsburg has asserted,
"incunabular, energetic, and exciting" (161). Traditionally, an incunabula is a
book printed prior to 1500, or during the first approximately half century after
the development of the printing press. Thus Shillingsburg's description of the
current state of electronic publishing as incunabular remains as true in 2004 as
it was when it appeared in the 1997 3rd edition of his Scholarly Editing in
the Computer Age.[3.0.1] The energy and excitement of electronic publishing
accounts for as much wasted as productive effort, as Shillingsburg also notes
(161 - 2). Perhaps it is easier to distinguish between the two kinds of effort in 2004 than
it was during the 1990s. It should be, since more has been accomplished in the
realm of electronic publishing and more of the wasted efforts have either been
abandoned or have been recognized as such and their authors have moved to address their shortcomings. This
is not to say that all electronic publications are now reliable and produced
with the kind of academic rigour scholars desire and indeed need if they are to
make use of these publications in their own work. But the evolution of
electronic publication over the past decade and a half has enabled scholars to
develop a set of minimum criteria that ought to be met in order to demarcate a
publication as one worthy of the adjective "scholarly."
Shillingsburg's work itself provides an excellent starting point for the
compilation of a set of editorial principles to be followed by anyone wishing to
produce a reliable, scholarly, electronic text. Additional criteria can be
culled from Jerome McGann's "The
Rationale of HyperText," and his "Textual Scholarship, Textual Theory, and
the Uses of Electronic Tools," and from Wilhelm Ott's on-line article "Textual
Criticism / Scholarly Editing." Ronald Tetreault's on-going work on an
electronic edition of Wordsworth and Coleridge's Lyrical Ballads has given him a
rare position from which to comment on not only the technical and academic but also the
institutional needs of the scholarly community where electronic publication is
concerned. Tetrault has generously shared his experience in papers given in
scholarly conferences and in publications such as "Editing in an Electronic
World: The Lyrical Ballads Project" and "New Models for Electronic Publishing."
Rather than taking the hermeneutic route through these and similar publications,
or the experiential route that would require examination of a wide array of both
successful and unsuccessful attempts at producing scholarly electronic texts, a
would-be author or editor might consult Shillingsburg's "General
Principles for Electronic Scholarly Editions" or the more recent MLA "Guidelines for Electronic Scholarly Editions." A paradigm that might prove very
effective in addressing the needs of editors of books not born digital is the
"Just in Time Markup for Electronic Editions" described by Phillip William Berrie, although JITM strikes me as an unlikely option when the goal is the production
of a facsimile or a diplomatic edition. While the rules for electronic
scholarly publishing will undoubtedly come to be as simultaneously codified and
fluid as are the MLA, APA, CBE, or Chicago styles for the publication in
hardcopy of academic work, during this incunabular period they are not yet so.
And therefore mere consultation of a set of guidelines does not strike me as
sufficient preparation for the production of a scholarly electronic text.
The electronic edition of The Arte of Navigation is still a work in
progress, and much remains to be done. But in order to minimize the wasted
effort that might lead us down blind alleys or in the worst case to the production
of a work that fails to satisfy the demands of academic rigour applied to
scholarly texts, I have developed my own set of editorial principles to guide
our work as my student assistants and I prepare this edition.
The first principle is one that leads to others, and it is the recognition that
in the realm of electronic publication one needs to remain constantly aware of
the distinction between the authorial / editorial environment and the
environment of the reader. From this flows a concern for a variety of issues
that can be collected under the general heading of accessibility. The author or
editor of a work must always consider the possibility that the reader will
attempt to access the work from a platform or through an operating system
different from the one in which the work is composed or edited. The reader may
want to access the work from more than one platform or within the environment of
more than one operating system. Thus, in preparing the work, every effort must
be made to make the work as widely accessible as possible. No specialized
software ought to be required unless it is freely available or easily and
compactly attached to the work itself, and, in the latter case, can be opened
and used with no specialized knowledge. Another issue of accessibility attaches
only to works made available on-line. Care should be taken to make on-line works
as small as possible in order that narrow band-width does not impede or, worse
still, prevent access. Two possible solutions to this problem come to mind:
first, the text might be made available as a downloadable zip file the reader
can open and read and make use of after the download is complete; second, once
we grow out of the incunabula era band-width may no longer be an issue. The
problem with the second suggestion is the lack of control editors and authors
have over this solution (to say nothing of the possibility that such an ideal
state may never be reached). The first suggestion poses problems of copyright, and
may invite manipulation of the text in ways that on-line editions do not, but
at least such a solution puts the question of control back into the hands of those who produce
the texts. And if JITMarkup is employed along with an authenticating
mechanism such as is advocated at I.C.4.a of the MLA "Guidelines
for Electronic Scholarly Editions" then the question of manipulation by
unauthorized persons may not be an insuperable problem. The impact of size on
accessibility is a problem with which we continue to grapple as we move our electronic
edition of The Arte of Navigation forward. An accessibility issue with
which we have already come to terms is the nature of the images themselves.
Rather than using bitmap images that would suffer pixelation when resized to fit
the reader's screen we have composed the majority of our images -and all of our
movable images- as vector graphics. This ensures the survival of their
proportions and even their very recognizability when they are resized.
Aside from issues of accessibility, other editorial principles guiding
production of The Arte of Navigation include some fairly standard principles
of scholarly editing. Currently, we are working toward production of
a near-facsimile of the 1584 edition held at the Folger Shakespeare Library, and,
according to the editorial hierarchy schematized by G. Thomas Tanselle, this goal
can best be answered through the production of a diplomatic edition, i.e. an
edition that seeks not to correct but to re-create the original.[3.0.2] Subsequently,
I hope to produce an archive of electronic editions of The Arte of Navigation
in which readers will be able to access diplomatic editions based on each of the
book's original printings, as well as filmed facsimiles of those editions,
as well as a scholarly edition in the traditional sense: one in which the book's
images are correctly assembled and printing accidents are corrected. Before such
an archive can be assembled, it will be necessary to create a single, diplomatic
edition, and it is toward that end that my current efforts are directed.
In order to ensure that our electronic text is as accurate as possible two students,
Katie Marshall and Anna Galway, are currently working in tandem to proofread the text
Katie typed in
over the summer. They are using the system for proofreading recommended in the
Chicago Manual Of Style (3.9 "Typographical Errors"), according to which one of them reads aloud from
a microfilm purchased from the Folger Shakespeare Library of that institution's
copy of the 1584 edition. In addition to vocalizing punctuation and paragraph
breaks along with the text, Anna and Katie are also sounding out variant
spellings, changes in font, the production of irregular characters, etc. The
office of Research and Graduate Studies at Acadia University has
furnished me with funding for travel to the Folger in order to check those
aspects of the text we cannot conclusively determine from the microfilm. And in
order to ensure that we have more than merely our energy and excitement to offer
the scholarly community, The Arte of Navigation will be subjected to the peer
review process when it is submitted for publication.
Any electronic text, from a simple webpage to an electronic archive, should include the date on which it was last modified, and it should include the name or names of those responsible for the page or the individual elements of the archive. General responsibility should appear on the site as part of the data, while specific responsibility for individual elements can be attributed as part of the meta-data. In this, TEI looks likely to be sufficient for our purposes.
With an electronic text such as The Arte of Navigation, a text
intended to fulfill an educational function through the provision of movable
parts to be assembled and manipulated by the reader, I think it is important to
refrain from providing too assertive a default mechanism in the programming of
the movable images. That is, as the surviving copies of the original books
demonstrate, there was no guarantee in the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries
that the assembly choices the reader made were correct. The opportunity
for error should be retained. However, I also want people to be able to
confirm that their assembly is correct, even if this does move the electronic
edition away from the ideal of the facsimile. This is a fine line, between
providing a default setting that actively corrects the reader's mistakes and one
that simply, more passively, confirms their assembly, but it is a line that I am
confident we can navigate.
Finally, one of the great advantages of any electronic text is its searchability.
A reader's ability to search a text, beyond the superficial level of the simple
word search, is determined by the mark-up added to the text during its
production phase, either by an editor or, less typically, by the author. In the case of The Arte of Navigation we plan to use, for the
most part,
TEI conformant SGML for the text. I anticipate encoding problems if we
restrict ourselves too tightly to only TEI, and whenever necessary our mark-up
will be supplemented with the
Renaissance Text Encoding system developed by Ian Lancashire.
Since TEI stands for Text Encoding Initiative it is not surprising that it
promises comparatively little help for us as we plan to mark-up the many images
and rubrications in The Arte of Navigation. For guidance in this aspect of our
project, we will look to the Comic Book Mark-up Language, or CBML, developed by
John Walsh, an example of which can be seen on the
2002 XML Conference & Exposition website.
A Digital Edition: Beyond the Electronic Still
I want to reiterate the fact that our electronic edition of The Arte of Navigation is still in development. As noted in the preceding section, we are still grappling with issues of accessibility, and as implied there if not stated explicitly we have yet to mark-up the text, much less the images. However, I am confident ours is a good start, and that from this beginning we will be positioned to produce a scholarly archive of early modern books with movable parts.
I welcome readers to take the time to visit an electronic edition of the 1584 edition of
Richard Eden's
Notes
1.0.1. The printer's imprint for the 1584 editions ascribes the printing to "Richard Iugge's widow." British Book Trade Index provides this woman's name.
1.1.1. I realize it is anachronistic to apply the term "science" and its derivatives to work done prior to at least the seventeenth-century advent of the Royal Society. Nonetheless I agree with Jim Bennett that "natural philosophy [is] the conglomerate anachronistically labelled 'science'" (1), and Sacrobosco's work certainly formed part of the institutional study of natural philosophy during the incunabula period of the first print revolution.
1.1.2. The most common form of reproduction was the Commentary, as would be expected with a text the Scholastics considered important. This style survived the Scholastic era, when new commentaries were being written, to adorn the print era when new commentaries were still being written or extant commentaries were translated into new languages, or were edited or "corrected."
1.1.3. Roberto de Andrade Martins of the University of Campinas, Brazil has published an exceptional resource on the web, entitled "Johannes de Sacrobosco: Editions of the Tractatus de Sphaera."
1.3.1. According to D. W. Waters, The Arte of Navigation was printed in 1561, 1572, 1576, 1579, 1584, 1589, 1596, 1609, 1615, and 1630. I have encountered no other references to the 1576 edition.
1.3.2. The description of the library is taken from the "About the Folger" page on the Folger's website, and the excerpt from its mission is taken from its "Mission" page. Accessed November 4, 2004.
1.3.3. Apian was successful. The Astronomicon Caesarium secured him a position as court mathematician.
3.0.1. I have not seen the second edition, but the third edition contains a chapter on "Electronic Editions" that is not present in the first edition. The statement quoted above is taken from this chapter.
3.0.2 For a graphic representation of this editorial hierarchy, see p. 11 of Tanselle.
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